The Ego Problem
Levels of Volition
Free Will Article
A Call to Consciousness
Integrity versus Authority
Loss & Recovery of Self
Cosmology & Psychology
The Terror of Death
Sacrifice and Amnesia
The Empty Mirror
The Tyranny of Time
God Talking Arguments
Issue of Style
Examples of Cults
Site Section Links
Aspects of Jesus
5 Gospels of Canon
Misc Ancient Myth Material
1994 Velikovsky Symposium
Book Critiques Links
Misc Biology Links
Poetry & Fun Material
PDF Download Files
Lecture & Video Links
Spiritual Products online store
I wish only to make two points about them [Velikovsky's
psychlogical hypotheses]. First, his deductions are less problematical than those of
his predecessors because his first principles are not in themselves
psychological: he does not have to fabricate a primal psychic
complex, like Freud's father-murder, nor an innate psychic content,
like Jung's archetypes. His psychology accepts data objectively
established by other disciplines. At most he borrows a
psychological mechanism, the so-called "repetition-compulsion,"
and any theory explaining wars will hardly be able to deny that,
for whatever reason, they are being compulsively repeated. Second,
if these hypotheses contain any correctness at all, then they
constitute the most urgent aspect of his work. There is a paradox
here: before one can accept his diagnosis, one must be satisfied
with his conclusions in all the other disciplines, but none of these
others claim nearly the same immediacy to our present situation.
One cannot resolve this paradox, one can only seek a mean. - William
Mullen, Pensee Vol I
COSMOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY
by LEWIS M. GREENBERG and WARNER B. SIZEMORE
Copyright(©) April, 1975
"A Nameless fear grips all mankind . . . " -
H. Focillon, The Year 1000 (1969)
"The literature of religious experience abounds in references to
the pains and terrors overwhelming those who have come, too
suddenly, face to face with some manifestation of the Mysterium
tremendum." - A. Huxley, The Doors of Perception (1954)
"Man's greatest instrument, his psyche, is little thought of, and it
is often mistrusted and despised. 'It's only psychological' too
often means: It is nothing." - C. G. Jung, Man and His Symbols (1964)
"Like the early memory of a single man, so the early memory of the
human race belongs to the student of psychology. Only a
philosophically and historically, but also analytically trained mind
can see in the mythological subjects their true content . . . " -
I. Velikovsky, From AAAS Speech (1974)
Somewhere between the infinite reaches of outer space - the Cosmos -
and the labyrinthine recesses of the human mind - the Cosmos Within
- lie two of Mankind's most profound psychological and emotional
creations - Myth and Religion. Together, they have served man's
basic need to bridge the known and the unknown, the finite and the
immeasurable, the tangible and the intangible.
Yet, for all their significance, the origin of myth and religion
remains tantalizingly elusive and continues to provide one of the
most intriguing problems in the study of man.(1) Despite the varied
and monumental attempts to discover their true source, no single
hypothesis has been universally accepted, for the simple reason that
scholars have been unable to free themselves from uniformitarian
dogmas which look for the solution in the common and the ordinary at
the one extreme, or the excessively obscure at the other.(2)
Recognizing that the solution is not to be found in the everyday
events of life, recent works have turned to the celestial sphere and
sought the answer in the awe-inspiring heavens. But even these
contain obvious ad hoc explanations which present neither a unifying
hypothesis nor a substantive example of causation.
Hamlet's Mill: An Essay on Myth and the Frame of Time is a case
in point. This scholarly but abstruse work is a study in futility.
While concluding that the celestial sphere is the wellspring of
myth, the authors - de Santillana and von Dechend - have,
nonetheless, conformed to a uniformitarian cosmology in their
interpretation of myth. This has thus prevented them from perceiving
the real reason behind an influential cosmos though they
unequivocally conclude that the great myths of the world do have a
common origin, that mythic actions are those of celestial bodies,
and that mythic geography is not that of the Earth but rather the
In point of fact, "astrogeography" was so implicit in the beliefs
of the ancients that there appears to be a compelling force which
not only caused Mankind to raise its collective eyes and arms in
cosmic supplication but to conceive celestial cities as well. "The
assumption that all things on earth have their counterparts in
Heaven was a belief universally accepted in Babylonia in the
pre-Christian centuries and widely accepted throughout Western Asia
in the Apocalyptic and Gnostic period. It gave rise to a passionate
belief in 'the mansions in the skies', and Jesus taught His
disciples, 'In my Father's house are many mansions.'"(4)
In the Sumerian Creation myth, the storm god Enlil is reported
"as being in the city of Nipper - a cosmic, celestial Nippur,
antedating the creation of the earth, but destined to serve
ultimately as the model of the terrestrial Nippur, for the Sumerian
cosmic pattern was, in general, designed on the principle of Heaven
(Sky), Earth parallelism."(5)
In Mesopotamia, it would appear that "all the Babylonian cities
had their archetypes in the constellations: Sippara in Cancer,
Nineveh in Ursa-. Major, Assur in Arcturus, etc. Sennacherib has
Nineveh built according to the 'form ... delineated from distant
ages by the writing of the heaven-of-stars'." Even "the Tigris has
its model in the star Anunit and the Euphrates in the star of the
Other areas of the world also possessed a comparable cosmological
"religio-philosophical" attitude regarding the creation of
terrestrial cities. "A celestial Jerusalem was created by God before
the city was built by the hand of man ... ; in India: all the Indian
royal cities, even the modem ones, are built after the mythical
model of the celestial city where, in the age of gold (in illo
tempore), the Universal Sovereign dwelt."
"In Iranian cosmology of the Zarvanitic tradition, 'every
terrestrial phenomenon, whether abstract or concrete, corresponds to
a celestial, transcendent invisible term, to an 'idea' in the
A similar but slightly variant concept was likewise to be found
in ancient Egypt. There, the existence of a heavenly Ann (the
Heliopolis of the Greeks) was to the Egyptians what Jerusalem was to
the Jews and what Mecca still is to the Moslems. "The heavenly Anu
was the capital of the mythological world . . . [However,] like many
other mythological cities . . . the heavenly Ann had no geographical
[specific celestial] position." (6)
"Man constructs according to an archetype. Not only do his city
or his temple have celestial models; the same is true of the entire
region that he inhabits ... This participation by urban cultures in
an archetypal [celestial] model is what gives them their reality and
their validity." On the other hand, all "wild, uncultivated regions
and the like are assimilated to chaos" and when possession and
exploitation of new territory begins "rites are performed that
symbolically repeat the act of Creation: the uncultivated zone is
first 'cosmicized,' then inhabited." (6a)
The art historian Eugenio Battisti, of the University of Genoa,
has also acknowledged the cosmic impetus for Mankind's thought. But
he, too, apparently restricts his ideas to uniformitarian precepts
seemingly unconcerned with catastrophic factors.
The observation of celestial phenomena and the concept of their
relationships with historical events and with human life have always
been of fundamental importance for religious concepts, for
philosophy, and for the actions of individuals and of societies . .
. astronomy and astrology have [thus] had an important impact ... in
the direct depiction of heavenly bodies [and] in the symbolic
representation inspired by astral mythology . . . . Certainly one
must in this connection speak not so much of a consistent and
uniform body of iconographical themes, as of an emotive source of
conceptual inspiration, one which is esoteric and extremely varied,
but which is at the same time intense and constantly recurrent in
all cultures and at all times.(7)
Surely, the ordinary unfolding of celestial events alone cannot
account for ancient man's astral obsession, his theological concern,
or his mythopeic endeavors.(8) "Daily things do not evoke
astonishment and influence but little a people's creative faculty .
. . even local catastrophes, regarded as very violent, do not serve
for the creation of cosmic myths."(9)
Why, then, should the cosmos have exerted such an intense
influence on Mankind's mythology, religion, and philosophy which are
all too frequently imbued with an inherent sense of dread and
cataclysmic preoccupation? "Why," asks Immanuel Velikovsky "is
theomachy the central theme of all cosmogonical myths? Should not a
thinking man pause and wonder why the ancients in both hemispheres
worshipped planetary gods; why temples were erected to them, . . .
why [were] sacrifices, even human sacrifices brought to them?"(10)
It is Velikovsky himself in Worlds in Collision, with its rigorously
detailed and documented application of cosmological euhemerism, who
provides us with the fundamental and plausible answer: Cosmic catastrophism and its simultaneously overwhelming universal effect
were clearly responsible for a common astral origin of world
religions, particular eschatological beliefs, and the inculcation of
unshakable fear.(11) The myths and legends of all peoples
conclusively support this contention.
An eighteenth century forerunner of Velikovsky, Nicolas-Antoine
Boulanger (1722-1759), likewise "analyzed the cosmogonies and
mythologies of several far-spread peoples of the Earth, such as
Germans, Greeks, Jews, Arabs, Hindus, Chinese, Japanese, Peruvians,
Mexicans, and Caribs, concluding that rites, ceremonials, and myths
reflect the fact that the human race was subjected to a series of
cosmic convulsions ..."(12)
Scholars try to explain the widespread common themes of mythology
by a slow diffusion of ideas from one culture to another. Velikovsky
contends that the commonality of world myth is the result of
mankind',s common experience and common observation involving global
disasters arising from extraterrestrial causes. Catastrophism and
the conditioned fear generated by any unusual celestial movement,
therefore, inspired a "related" world-wide polygenetical mythology
which was similar yet varied according to local interpretations.
Admittedly, modification could conceivably occur through a later
diffusionist intrusion but basic cultural uniqueness would be
How else are we to explain the universal worship of the planet
Venus, its prominent rank in religious pantheons, and the numerous
ceremonies associated with the Morning Star?(14)
What, for example, could have "induced the Mayas to call by the
name of Scorpion the constellation known to us and to the ancients
by the same name? The outlines of this constellation do not resemble
the shape of this insect. It is 'one of the most remarkable
coincidences in nomenclature.' The constellation, which is not at
all like a scorpion, probably was called by this name because a
comet that looked like a scorpion appeared in it."(15)
In many unrelated cultures we find similarities in form and
emblem which suggest a common cosmic implication: for example, the
dome, either with or without a central opening; the pyramid; the
tower; the mound or staircase; the canopy (which imitates the vault
of the heavens); the egg or gilded ball, frequently an attribute of
imperial power; the crown, etc. The greatest difficulty in the study
of such forms arises from the amalgam of cultures present
everywhere, as a result of which archaic cosmological concepts
survive alongside other concepts either of a later period or foreign
Worlds in Collision is thus a work that is primarily a
reconstruction "built upon studying the human testimony as preserved
in the heritage of all ancient civilizations [which] tell in various
forms the very same narrative that the trained eye of a
psychoanalyst could not but recognize as so many variants of the
This theme, the catastrophically changing order of the cosmos
with its attendant sense of awe and wonder, must have furnished
ancient man with a fluctuating and complex source of celestial
imagery. This then precipitated numerous attempts at harmonizing
meaningful depictions of the divine with the ever-varying "cosmic
W. F. Albright, the late dean of American archaeologists, once
alluded to the latter phenomenon when he wrote that "we have only to
glance at the mythologies, the iconographies, and the litanies to
see that NearEastern gods shifted in disconcerting fashion from
astral form to zoomorphic, dendromorphic, and composite
manifestations."(18) Albright failed, however, to make the "cosmic
connection" where ancient myth and religion were concerned
preferring the conclusion that "the sublime description of the theophany may owe certain features to the two most majestic
spectacles vouchsafed to mankind: a sub-tropical thunder-storm and a
And yet, despite occasional localized upheaval, cosmic forces
remained the preeminent concern of the ancients. At times, in almost
frenetic desperation, they would switch Planetary allegiance, like
betters at a roulette wheel, in the hope of winning heavenly and
divine favor.(20) Eventually, well-nigh all astral deities came to
be equated with the Sun or Moon as the power of the ancient gods was
diminished through rationalization, obliviscence, and the acceptance
of the present cosmic arrangement as being retroactively constant,
eternal and unalterable.
The Fountain of Forgetfulness
In order to avoid a "mental overload" the human mind is geared to
repel and filter out excessive stimuli and, that being the case, it
is highly difficult, if not impossible, to imagine what the
psychological effect of a world conflagration wrought by cosmic fury
would be. It would certainly not be unreasonable to expect a Lethean*
defense mechanism to assert itself.
The above statements gain credence from the personal experiences
of the noted author Aldous Huxley which were recounted in his book
The Doors of Perception. While under the self-imposed influence of
Mescalin, Huxley experienced a form of transcendent consciousness
which, for him, "illuminated the anatomy of inner space and
projected the idea that man himself is a bridge between two worlds,
the earthly and the supersensible. It also publicized the then
little known fact that the brain, nervous system and sense organs
function as a protective barrier against what would otherwise be an
overwhelming intrusion of the 'Total Mind', acting like a reducing
valve to ration out that 'measly trickle of the kind of
consciousness which will help us to stay alive on the surface of
As the world -of ancient man was plunged into a state of primeval
chaos resulting from cosmic catastrophism, physical helplessness
could, therefore, be overcome by psychological retreat. The actual
cataclysmic consequences were suppressed through mythic and epic
conversion - a form of "fantasy escape" - while memory fadeout also
acted as a healing device; the mind blotted out reality displacing
the terrifying events from the conscious "into the unconscious
strata of the mind, where they continue to live and express
themselves in bizarre forms of fear."(22) Velikovsky views this
process of forgetting and suppression as a form of "collective
The modern mythographer Giorgio de Santillana, one of the authors
of the work previously referred to, Hamlet's Mill, spent
considerable effort delving into the problem of astromythology. But,
he excluded the catastrophic element in considering the cosmic
source of myth and religion which is surprising in as much as he
feels that contemporary science has been led by its modem
evolutionary and psychological bent to forget about the main source
of myth, which was astronomy - the Royal Science . . . Today expert
philologists tell us that Saturn and Jupiter are names of vague
deities, subterranean or atmospheric, superimposed on the planets at
a 'late' period; they neatly sort out folk origins and 'late'
derivations, all unaware that planetary periods, sidereal and
synodic, were known and rehearsed in numerous ways by celebrations
already traditional in archaic times . . . Ancient historians would
have been aghast had they been told that obvious things were to
become unnoticeable. Aristotle was proud to state it as known that
the gods were originally stars, even if popular fantasy had later
obscured this truth.(24)
Velikovsky, in Worlds in Collision, had already previously drawn
attention to the solarizing tendency vis-a-vis the ancient gods
which began with Macrobius in the fourth Christian century. Earlier
religious beliefs were disregarded as the cult of Sol Invictus
gained ascendancy in the days of the Late Roman Empire. (25)
Yet, "in former times the planets played a decidedly more
important role in the imagination of peoples, to which fact their
religions give testimony." The enumeration of the Sun and Moon
"among the seven planets sometimes startles the modern scholar,
because these two luminaries are so much more conspicuous than the
other planets: [still] the dominance of Saturn, Jupiter, Venus, and
Mars [in antiquity] must startle us even more as long as we do not
know what was displayed on the celestial scene a few thousand years
It is highly probable that the very cosmic terrors which inspired
religious and eschatological beliefs may, in themselves, be
responsible for mental blocks inhibiting their ideological
acceptance thereby suggesting that man's desire not to know is often
as great as his desire to know.
Jung and the Collective Unconscious
Carl Gustav Jung, the famous Swiss psychiatrist, was born on July
26, 1875 and early in his career for a short but intensive period of
time came under the sway of Sigmund Freud with whom he eventually
broke. Jung was very much concerned with the unconscious realm of
man's mind which he divided into the Personal Unconscious and the
Collective Unconscious. The former, he contended, consists of
"forgotten, repressed, subliminally perceived and felt material of
all kinds"; the latter "does not include personal acquisitions
specific to our individual ego, but only contents resulting 'from
the inherited possibility of Psychical functioning in general,
namely from the inherited brain structure'."(27)
Further, Jung declared that "the unconscious is older than . . .
consciousness. It is the 'primal datum' out of which consciousness
ever arises afresh [and] the unconscious manifests itself as though
it were outside space and time."(28) Moreover, "the collective
unconscious contains the whole spiritual heritage of mankind's
evolution born anew in the brain structure of every individual."(29)
Finally, "the collective unconscious is made up of contents which,
regardless of historic era or social or ethnic group, are the
deposit of mankind's typical reactions since primordial times to
universal human situations such as fear, danger, the struggle
against superior power . . .the power of the bright or the dark
principle . . ."(30)
Since, according to Velikovsky, the collective unconscious acts
as "a receptacle and carrier of ideas deposited there in primeval
times, which plays an important role in our concepts and actions . .
. we may well wonder to what extent the terrifying experiences of
world catastrophes have become part of the human soul and how much,
if any, of it can be traced in our beliefs, emotions, and behavior
as directed from the unconscious or subconscious strata of the
There are numerous examples of what seems to be the unconscious
memory of these past events breaking through into the conscious and
thus playing a dramatic role in behavior. Such is the case,
apparently of the seventeenth century author John Bunyan. "As the
Puritan teaching spread around him, Bunyan's deviltry was disturbed
by thoughts of death, the Last Judgment, and hell. Once he dreamed
that he saw all the sky on fire, and the earth splitting beneath
him. He woke in terror, and frightened the family with his cries: 'O
Lord, have mercy on me! . . . The Day of Judgment is come, and I am
Another instance comes from a dream received by Jung from an
acquaintance which the latter had had on May 27, 1957. The dream
contained a reference to a sphere which approached the earth at high
velocity and was at first thought to be Jupiter in aberration from
its proper orbit.
The object, however, though large, was then seen as being much
too small for Jupiter; and as it continued on course bringing with
it the realization that it must certainly make a terrific impact
upon the earth, fear was felt in which awe was more predominant."
Soon "another and yet another sphere emerged from the horizon and
sped towards the earth."(33)
Jung was not unfamiliar with the "Jupiter motif" and ultimately
interpreted the dream as fear of a new World War "although, to all
appearances, a cosmic catastrophe is about to happen."(34)
During his research for Worlds in Collision, Velikovsky was
confronted with the question: "Was it the planet Jupiter or Venus
that caused the catastrophe of the time of the Exodus?"(35) The
problem as to which planetary body was the harbinger of doom was the
result of a confusion on the part of the ancients themselves as to
"whether the planet Jupiter or its offspring was approaching" and
the duality expressed in their mythological handling of the real
event. "At an earlier time, Jupiter had already caused havoc in the
planetary family, the earth included, and it was therefore only
natural to see in the approaching body the planet Jupiter."(36)
Freud and Anamnesis
Sigmund Freud (1856-1939), too, was concerned with and searched
for the primordial urges in present day man. He came to believe that
the earliest experiences of mankind and the way they were
assimilated created a general behavioral pattern not unlike that
found in the individual. In the latter, the "earliest impressions,
received at a time when they were hardly able to talk, manifested
themselves later in an obsessive fashion, although those impressions
themselves are not consciously remembered."(37)
Freud also concluded "that the mental residue of . . . primeval
times has become a heritage which, with each new generation, needs
only to be awakened, not to be reacquired."(38) He also subscribed
to the notion that the events of the past had been "repressed" but
was analytically vague as to the actual nature of those events.(39)
Freudian therapy, for those who are neurotically reenacting their
repressed traumatic experiences from a subconscious compulsion
involves anamnesis - a recalling to mind on the conscious level
those events which are buried in an individual's psychic history. In
Velikovskian terms, those events were both traumatic and real; early
man's suffering was caused by "disorders in the solar system of a
purely mechanical nature. Early man interpreted these disorders as
actions of divinities with motivations that resembled his own. His
two prime reactions took the opposite forms of guilt and aggression.
He felt guilt insofar as he fantasized that the gods were destroying
man to punish him, and he became aggressive insofar as he identified
with the gods to the point of imitating them."(40)
Freud believed that "the obscure sense of guilt which has been
common to man since prehistoric times, and which in many religions
has been condensed into the doctrine of original sin, is probably
the outcome of a blood-guiltiness incurred by primitive man" whose
"primal crime must have been a parricide, the killing of the primal
father of the primitive human horde, whose image in memory was later
transfigured into a deity."(41)
But what could have induced this particular "primal crime?" Freud
seems to have overlooked the most significant fact that the major
myths of mankind tell of the supersession of father by son on a
cosmic level where one planetary god supplanted another, often
through violent means.
In purely physical terms, the divine succession most likely
reflected a catastrophically changing cosmos. Is it not logical,
therefore, to assume that Early man's psychological attitude and his
physical behavior also reflected, in a mimicking way, the actions of
an awe-inspiring cosmos?
Boulanger has also "argued that these catastrophes shaped the human
mind, causing among other things a deep seated psychological trauma:
'We still tremble today as a consequence of the deluge and our
institutions ,till pass on to us the fears and the apocalyptic ideas
of our first fathers. Terror survives from race to race The child
will dread in perpetuity what frightens his ancestors'." (42)
How, then, is man to break his patterns of guilt, aggression, and
fear? "Liberation is to come when the purely mechanistic nature of
the catastrophic agents is recognized. Man will then see that there
was no question of punishment or aggression because the agents were
not beings motivated to punish or destroy ... [and he] will have to
keep casting [his] ancestors in the role of fools of the
To those individuals who would view the ethnological condition
and cosmological beliefs of ancient and primitive man strictly from
the social, historical or agricultural standpoint, with only the
occasional terrestrial disturbances a discordant factor, a condition
of scholarly myopia must inevitably develop.(44)
A good example is found in the studies of the late Henri
Frankfort, a renowned Orientalist, both singly and with others. In
Kingship and the Gods, for example, Frankfort presented a Sumerian
poem which supposedly evokes the memory of a golden age: (45)
In those days there was no snake, there was no scorpion . . .
There was no lion, there was no wild dog(?), no wolf,
There was no fear, no terror,
Man had no opponent.
In those days the land Shubur (East) . . .
Discordant Sumer (South), the land of the "decrees of princeship,"
Uri (North), the land having all that is needful,
The land Martu (West), resting security,
The whole universe, the people in unison (?)
To Enlil with one tongue gave praise.
A discussion of the god Enlil immediately follows while no
attempt at poetical analysis is made. Frankfort was primarily
interested instead in the early Mesopotamian "consciousness of
solidarity" or sense of "oneness" which yielded later to separatist
concepts of city-states and strict politico-religious divisions
resulting in territorial fragmentation not generally found in Egypt.(46)
That the original solidarity of early Mesopotamia may have been
broken for reasons other than the character of the land, never
occurred to Frankfort; and consequently the Sumerian poem is totally
overlooked as literary evidence of celestial disturbances in
historical times. But could there have been some outside force which
was responsible for irretrievably disrupting the initial unity of
Mesopotamia aside from armed conflicts and the deficiencies of
Unfortunately, Frankfort, along with his colleagues Groenewegen-Frankfort,
Wilson, and Jacobsen, cannot see beyond terrestrial limitations. To
them, cosmic events signify the order of the natural world - a
purely earthbound conception. (47)
Wilson subscribes to the theory that the Egyptian cosmos, like
the Nile valley, "had limited space but reassuring periodicity."(48)
Jacobsen and the Frankforts tend to adroitly circumvent the
identification of any specific cosmic phenomena.
But now let us reexamine the Sumerian poem in the light of a
Velikovsky has brought attention to the fact that "in the Babylonian
astrological texts it is said that 'a star takes the shape of divers
animals: lion, jackal, dog, pig, fish'."(49) Further, Velikovsky
contends that Mars, due to atmospheric distortion resulting from
celestial contact, resembled a wolf or jackal(50) and the fight
between the serpent Midgard, "the bright snake gaping in the heaven
above," and the wolf Fenris, "the foaming wolf" of the Edda
presented the celestial "clash" of Venus and Mars.(51)
Comets also appear as a "pageant of the sky" and "actually every
comet has its peculiar shape which may change during the visibility
of the comet."(52) On one of the Babylonian astronomical tablets it
states that ,.a star flared up and its light radiated bright as day,
and as it blazed, it lashed its tail like an angry scorpion."
While it is true that the references to the cosmological
phenomena cited above post-date Sumerian times, it is not
unreasonable-to suppose that similar appearing celestial images were
also seen in the days of Sumer. It may even be that the later
Babylonian texts perpetuated much older Mesopotamian astronomical
observations. With this imagery in mind, it is now possible at the
least to approach the above quoted poem with a new insight in the
hope of extracting its deeper and more profound meaning.
We need only ask the following questions: Why should a developing
urban society protected by city walls (54) look upon certain animals
with fear, nay terror,(55) while nostalgically recollecting its
blissful past? Are the animals referred to merely a recognizable
allegorical substitute for a far greater threat? What could the
expression "one tongue" signify?
Terror in the Year 1000
In his last written work, left unfinished by his death, the great
French scholar Henri Focillon expended considerable energy analyzing
the psychological atmosphere surrounding the year 1000 (A.D.) and
the concept of millenarianism.(56)
He observed that "the year 1000 presents a picture of strong
contrasts [and] while there is no text that allows us to assert that
in its obscure strata it was shaken by the fear of the world's end,
yet fear - an ill-defined fear feeding on everything - was dominant
nonetheless. That fear exceeds the year in point of time, it was
present earlier and does not end when the year ends."(57)
It cannot be denied that an end of the world attitude prevailed
as the year 1000 approached. But Focillon was unable to explain in a
totally satisfactory manner "the problem of the terrors" as they
related to the year 1000 and was ultimately powerless to ascribe the
terrors to any one single factor. He did demonstrate, however, that
they existed independently of the year 1000.(58)
Whether or not the year 1000 should have even been designated as
the apocalyptic moment is questionable. The eschatological
cognizance of that date was 1) both a function of the accepted
length of cyclical termination, itself variable; 2) the uncertain
chronological starting point for computing the passage of a
The best and most reliable contemporary source of information
dealing with "the millennium syndrome" is Raoul Glaber(60) who was
educated at Cluny and was a world traveller. To Glaber the year 1000
marked the "imminent end of the world" when Satan, "the prince of
metamorphoses" would soon be unleashed. And then in the year 1000
something did happen:
It appeared in the month of September, not long after nightfall,
and remained visible for nearly three months. It shone so brightly
that its light seemed to fill the greater part of the sky, then it
vanished at cock's crow. But whether it is a new star which God
launches into space, or whether He merely increases the normal
brightness of another star, only He can decide who in the mysterious
secrecy of His wisdom prepares all things. What appears established
with the greatest degree of certainty is that this phenomenon in the
sky never appears to men without being the sure sign of some
mysterious and terrible event. And indeed a fire soon consumed the
church of St. Michael the Archangel, built on a promontory in the
ocean, which had always been the object of special veneration
throughout the whole world.(61)
Despite the collective reaction to this cosmic phenomenon which
resulted in a spontaneous religious procession—"a picture of
anguished humanity" in the words of Focillon himself—the full
import of the event is, nonetheless, surprisingly downgraded by the
Focillon dismissed the response to "the comet of the year 1000"
on the grounds that it "is not the sole example of a prodigy in the
sky during the [general] period" under consideration since another
"meteor" appeared in 1022.(62) Yet, a reaction did occur and a
highly acute one at that! Thus, when confronted with a logical
solution to "the problem of the terrors" - subconscious fear of
cosmic catastrophism - Focillon was reluctant and even unwilling to
We must wonder at Focillon's own pedantic and psychological
attitude. He either became so scholastic in his study of
"millenarian terror" and "an end of the world" Mentality(63) that he
unintentionally remained inconclusive and rambling in his attempt to
uncover the real psychological basis for the terrors - which he
correctly perceived were not bound to the year 1000; or, Focillon
was unable to fathom the underlying psychological cause of medieval
man's terror for he himself, in failing to completely grasp the
often overwhelming effect of celestial phenomena, may have possessed
his own defensive psychological blind spot on the matter. Perhaps
Focillon unknowingly shared the same subconscious fear as those he
analyzed and so, like the physician who could not heal himself,
could not properly diagnose his patient. To put it another way, the
final precise revelation was deliberately unconsciously avoided
because it could not be faced. What else can we conclude from
Focillon's indecisive circumlocution?(64)
As Velikovsky has observed - "comets, because of their causal
relation to world catastrophes, and also because of their terrifying
appearance, were the kind of phenomenon to kindle the imagination of
peoples. But for some reason, the impression they must have made on
the peoples of antiquity is not considered in explanation of myths
and legends" nor properly evaluated in explanation of mankind's ever
present and unwavering subconscious fear.(65)
The seventeenth century presents a picture of fear and crisis not
unlike "the problem of the terrors" which cast such a pall over the
period immediately surrounding the year 1000; astronomy and history
apparently conspired to reenforce an already impending sense of
Ever since 1618 at least there had been talk of the dissolution
of society or of the world; and the undefined sense of gloom of
which we are constantly aware in those years was justified sometimes
by new interpretations of Scripture, sometimes by new phenomena in
The appearance in 1618 of a brilliant new comet, with a tail
fifty million miles long, seemed to support the prophets of doom.
James I of England "was convinced that it was an omen, not only of
the fall of the House of Stuart, but also of the Thirty Years War
(1618-48). John Evelyn, the diarist, also blamed the comet for the
Yet these reactions are strange indeed since the wars of the
seventeenth century were, in a sense, only a resumption of those of
the sixteenth century. But for all that, the entire fabric of the
seventeenth century is dramatically altered. "It is broken in the
middle, irreparably broken, and at the end of it, after the
revolutions, men can hardly recognize the beginning. Intellectually,
politically, morally, we are in a new age, a new climate. It is as
if a series of rainstorms has ended in one final thunderstorm which
has cleared the air and changed, permanently, the temperature of
Even the intellectual background of seventeenth century Europe shows
that the sources of upheaval were "deep-seated and anticipated, if
only vaguely anticipated, even before the accidents which launched
It was at this time that cyclical theories of history became
fashionable and the decline and fall of nations was predicted, not
only from Scripture and the stars, but also from the passage of time
and the organic processes of decay. Kingdoms, declared a Puritan
preacher in 1643, after touching lightly on the corroborative
influence of the comet of 1618, last for a maximum period of 500 or
600 years 'and it is known to all of you how long we have been since
Like the time of the year 1000, an end of the world syndrome
prevailed. Once again a dormant but virile fear embedded in
mankind's psychic makeup evidently reasserted its presence.
It is an interesting but undeniable fact that the most advanced
scientists of the early sixteenth century included also the most
learned and literal students of biblical mathematics; and in their
hands science and religion converged to pinpoint, between 1640 and
1660, the dissolution of society, and the end of the world.(70)
The seventeenth century also witnessed the European witch-craze
the product of an inexplicable "great fear" that enveloped the
continent. "When a 'great fear' takes hold of society, that society
looks naturally to the stereotype of the enemy in its midst; and
once the witch had become the stereotype, witchcraft would be the
The appearance of the witches thus provided a necessary scapegoat
at a time when European society in all its aspects demanded one. And
what is even more amazing is the fact that witches manifested
themselves voluntarily as though responding instinctually to the
scapegoat needs of the moment. At the same time, as though unable to
resist a lapse into irrationality, "some of the most original and
cultivated men of the time not only accepted the theory of
witch-craft, but positively devoted their genius to its
Perhaps therefore the motivating roots for the seventeenth
century European witch-craze are not to be found in any contemporary
milieu after all. Perhaps the strata of mankind's psyche should be
searched instead in order to see if the residue of terrifying past
experiences regarding the cosmos were responsible. (73)
Beyond the Year 1000
The generations of mankind have not been allowed to forget the
restless heavens." Comets, meteors, and exploding stars have all
repeatedly contributed their luminescent display upon the celestial
screen. Comets, in particular, have struck a frightening chord in
the heavenly theophany; and war, plague, famine, and the death and
birth of notables have all been attributed to their appearance.
"From the dawn of written history to the present the superstitious
have always regarded comets with fear as the portents of disaster."(74)
Man, by an inherited instinct, regards the comet as a great
terror and a great foe; and the heart of humanity sits uneasily when
one blazes in the sky. Even to the scholar and the scientist they
are a puzzle and a fear; they are erratic, unusual, anarchical,
monstrous - something let loose, like a tiger of the heavens,
athwart an orderly, peaceful, and harmonious world. They may be
impalpable and harmless attenuations of gas, or they may be loaded
with death and rain; but in any event man can not contemplate them
What is now called Halley's Comet has, in itself, been a cause of
extreme consternation at those times when it appeared in days gone
by. In 1066 it was viewed as a precursor of the Norman Conquest. In
1456 the Turks, who were besieging Belgrade, along with the city's
defenders were suddenly seized with fear at its appearance. "Pope
Calixtus III, himself struck with general terror, ordered public
prayers to be offered up for deliverance from the comet and the
enemies of Christianity."(76)
The description of the comet of 1528 by the famous French surgeon
Ambroise Pare is especially noteworthy:
This comet was so horrible and so frightful and it produced such
great terror in the vulgar that some died of fear and others fell
sick. At the summit of it was seen the figure of a bent arm, holding
in its hand a great sword, as if about to strike. On both sides of
the rays of this comet were seen a great number of axes, knives and
blood Coloured swords among which were a great number of hideous
human faces with beards and bristling hair.(77)
"In 1910 many Chinese villagers shot off fireworks in the hopes
of driving Halley's comet away. In the United States many people
believed that the comet of 1812 foretold the war of that year and
that Donati's comet in 1858 heralded the Civil War."(78)
Like comets, supernovae (faint stars that suddenly flare up with
extreme brilliance) have also caused consternation. One appeared in
1054 and was recorded in the Chinese annals, though surprisingly not
mentioned in any surviving European document. It "appeared so
brilliant that for 23 days it could be seen in full daylight."(79)
Modern astronomy has succeeded in locating the supernova of 1054 in
the constellation of Taurus.
In 1572, however, Europe was shaken by a supernova later known as
Tycho's Nova which suddenly appeared in the constellation of
Cassiopeia and in only a few days "grew brighter than Venus and
could be seen in broad daylight. The superstitious were certain that
it heralded some dreadful disaster, perhaps the end of the
world."(80) Kepler's Nova made its appearance in 1604, did not fade
until 1606, and was as brilliant as Jupiter but not as bright as its
sixteenth century predecessor.
In 1885 an extraordinary brilliance was observed in the galaxy
known as the Andromeda Nebula. The sudden stellar flareup lasted for
25 days and "that single star shone more brightly than 10 million
suns. Then it faded to such an extent that it was no longer visible
through the most powerful telescopes."(81) Additional novae have
also been observed with telescopes and the unaided eye since 1890
without, however, causing any undue alarm.
People have been extremely frightened and intimidated by meteor
showers as well.(82) For example, "a spectacular display of
meteors, visible over the eastern half of the United States on the
night of November 12, 1883, convinced many terrified witnesses that
the end of the world was at hand. The display began before midnight
and increased in intensity as the night wore on. In the hours before
dawn the meteors were as thick as snowflakes and it appeared as
though the heavens were raining fire. Some of the meteors rivaled
Jupiter or Venus in brightness. One was reported to have been nearly
as large as the moon. It was estimated that 10,000 flashed across
the sky in an hour."(83)
Astronomers soon came to recognize a periodicity to this
cosmological phenomenon and also realized that the meteors had come
from one point in the constellation of Leo. "This meant that the
earth had collided with a vast swarm of meteors."(84)
It has been suggested that the Chicago fire of 1871 as well as
less publicized Midwestern and Farwestern fires were the result of a
cometary flyby. "If the detritus from the ephemeris of one such as
Biela's comet did impinge on our atmosphere, how much frozen methane
or cyanogen would it take to set six states afire, in a path that
took a southwest to a northeasterly direction about a thousand miles
long by several hundred wide?"(85)
As in other times, the twentieth-century has not been without its
share of celestial excitement. On June 30, 1908 something from outer
space apparently collided with the Earth in the Tunguska area of
central Siberia producing a devastating mid-air explosion seconds
before impact. A "pillar of fire" was seen in Kirensk, 250 miles
away, while "horses were thrown down in an area south of Kansk, more
than 400 miles distant."(86) Had the celestial object arrived
slightly less than five hours later along the same latitude, it
would have leveled St. Petersburg (Leningrad) the capital of
Various theories have been put forward to account for the
Siberian disaster. It has been proposed that the Earth was hit
either by a comet, a giant meteor, a chunk of antimatter, or a tiny
"black hole." Even the possibility that intelligent extraterrestrial
beings caused a nuclear explosion, or fired a laser beam at the
Earth, or crashed in an attempt to land here has been posited.
But, regardless of the reason, something did strike our world and
while "no explanation satisfies everyone . . . we are left with the
real possibility of a recurrence. Should it take place without
warning in a populated region and resemble a nuclear blast, could it
trigger an atomic war?"(88)
According to Dr. H. E.. Wood, an astronomer at Cape Town
Observatory, the "Earth was in grave danger of collision with a
small planet astray in the solar system" between the 25th and 30th
of October in 1937. "There was great excitement . . . the planet was
rushing towards the Earth almost in a straight line. Had it hit us,
the international system might have been altered . . . The planet
missed us by only five and a half hours. It is the narrowest escape
the world has ever had in the period of astronomical
There may be some doubt concerning the authenticity of the
celestial phenomenon recounted above due to what appears to be a
lack of corroborating scientific documentation from other quarters.
The descriptive terminology employed, such as the word "planet,"
certainly gives one reason to pause. Nevertheless, the probable
reality of the 1937 observation cannot be entirely dismissed out of
On August 10, 1972, a meteor narrowly missed the Rocky Mountain
states as it sped by the Earth while travelling a celestial path.
Recent studies have concluded that had the object hit the Earth it
would have done so with a force equal to or four times as great as
the Hiroshima atomic bomb. Estimates have placed the weight of the
meteor somewhere between 1100 and 4000 tons. It approached the Earth
with a velocity of 10 miles per second "and if it had been at a
slightly lower altitude, the damage would have been very
In endeavoring to establish the historicity of "the words of
Isaiah and of other seers . . . of the Old Testament," Velikovsky
criticized the exegetes Maimonides and Spinoza for their insistent
metaphorical conversion of Biblical Scripture.(91)
"Events were called miracles and were explained as subjective
apperceptions or as symbolic descriptions because they could not t)e
otherwise accounted for." Nevertheless, there is no "room for doubt
that by 'stones falling from the sky' were meant meteorites; by
brimstone and pitch were meant brimstone and pitch; by scorching
blast of fire was meant scorching blast of fire; by storm and
tempest, storm and tempest; by a darkened sun, by the earth removed
from its place, by change of time and seasons, were meant just these
changes in the regular processes of nature . . . Until the fall of
meteorites in 1803, science was sure that stones falling from the
sky occurred only in legends."(92)
Yet, through the millennia, Mankind has repeatedly cringed before
the cosmos. Neither the great nor the lowly; the good nor the bad;
the meek nor the aggressor; the wealthy nor the poor; the pious nor
the irreverent have been spared a sense of anguish arising from the
"inconstant heavens." And always the question Why? remains to mock
those who would evade it; while the most elaborate scientific
explanations for a uniformitarian cosmology stand to be confuted so
long as there is disregard for the human record and the reactions of
the human psyche.(93)
1. See G. S. Kirk, Myth: Its Meaning and Functions in Ancient and
Other Cultures (Univ. of Calif. Press: Los Angeles, 1973), pp.
280-285; the article "Myth and Fable" in the Encyclopedia of World
Art (EWA), X (N. Y., 1961), pp. 448-451; V. Deloria, "Myth and the
Origin of Religion," Pensee, Vol. 4, no. 4, Fall 1974, pp. 45-50.
2. See the articles "Theories of Myth and the Folklorist" by R. M. Dorson and "The Historical Development of Mythology" by Joseph
Campbell in Myth and Mythmaking, ed. by 14. A. Murray (Beacon Press:
Boston. 1969); A. D. Nock, "The Study of the History of Religion,"
Essays on Religion and the Ancient World (Oxford, 19721, pp.
3. G. de Santillana and H. von Dechend, Hamlet's Mill (Boston,
1969), pp. 242-262.
4. S. Langdon, Semitic Mythology (Boston, 1931), P. 310.
5. P. Ackerman, "Stars and Stories," in Myth and Mythmaking, op.
cit., p. 99 (emphasis added).
5a. All quotes are from M. Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return
(Princeton/Bollingen paperback: Princeton, 1971), pp. 6-9 (emphasis
6. E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Dead (University Books: New
Hyde Park, 1960), p. 25, n. 2. (Anu may have been associated with
6a. Eliade, pp. 9-10.
7. E. Battisti, "Astronomy and Astrology," EWA, II (N. Y., 1960),
pp. 39-40 (emphasis added).
8. S. Giedion, The Eternal Present, II (N. Y., 1964), pp. 138-145;
Langdon, op. cit., pp. 65-67 and 93.
9. I. Velikovsky, Worlds in Collision (Doubleday: Garden City,
1950), pp. 302-303 (emphasis added): Cf. D. Vitaliano, Legends of
the Earth (Bloomington, 1973).
10. I. Velikovsky, "My Challenge to Conventional Views in Science,"
Pensee, Vol. 4, no. 2, Spring 1974, p. 10.
11. Ibid., p. 11; W in C, pp. 380-381; also see article
"Eschatology," EWA, IV (N. Y., 1961), pp. 788-789, 811-817, 820-827;
For an alternate explanation of religious origins see E. 0. James,
Comparative Religion (N. Y., 1961), pp. 35-36.
12. As cited in L. Stecchini, "The Inconstant Heavens," The
Velikovsky Affair, ed. by A. de Grazia (New Hyde Park, N. Y., 1967),
p. 120; also see I. Velikovsky, Earth in Upheaval (Doubleday: Garden City, 1955).
13. See Pensee, Vol. 4, no. 2, Spring 1974, p. 36; G. Kubler, The
Art and Architecture of Ancient America (Baltimore, 1962), pp. 11-12
for a discussion of diffusion and polygenesis theories; also see E.
O. James, op. cit., pp. 27-30: R. C. Padden, "On Diffusionism and
Historicity," American Historical Review, Vol. 78, no. 4, Oct. 1973,
pp. 987-1004; Vitaliano, op. cit., p. 4; Man Across the Sea, ed. by
C. L. Riley, et. al (Austin, 1971).
14. W in C, pp. 175-193; I. Velikovsky, "Astronomy and Chronology,"
Pensee, Vol. 3. no. 3, Spring-Summer 1973, pp. 47-48..
15. W in C, pp. 305-306; also see W in C, pp. 303-304 and 308-310,
16. S. Bosticco, "Cosmology and Cartography," EWA, III (N. Y.,
1960), p. 836.
17. I. Velikovsky, "My Challenge . . . " op. cit., p. 10 (emphasis
18. W. F. Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity (Doubleday
Anchor Books: Garden City, 1957), P. 264; also see M. Eliade,
"Divinities," EWA, IV (N. Y., 1961), pp. 382-387; P. Matthiae,
"Symbolism and Allegory," EWA, XIII (N. Y., 1967), pp. 802-803.
19. Albright, Ibid., p. 263.
20. King Nebuchadnezzar for example.
21. As discussed and cited in T. Ravenscroft, The Spear of Destiny
(Bantam Books: N. Y., 1974), p. xiv (emphasis added).
22. W in C, p. 298; also J. V. Myers, "Theomachy in the Theater: On
the Fringes of the Collective Amnesia," KRONOS, I, No. 2, Summer
23. W in C, pp. 298-300 and 383, n. 1: CHIRON, pp. 9-11; I.
Donnelly, Ragnarok: The Age of Fire and Gravel (Steiner Pub.
reprint: (1883) N. Y., 1971), pp. 424-430; also see the article
"Phobia, Amnesia, and the Psyche," elsewhere in this issue.
24. G. de Santillana and H. von Dechend, Hamlet's Mill, op. cit.,
pp. 3-4; also see G. Eklund and G. Benfor, "If the Stars are Gods,"
Universe 4 (N. Y., 1974), pp. 121-159, especially pp.
129-131......... Is the sun benevolent? How does it inspire your
daily life? Does it constantly rage? I don't know, and you don't
know either, and it's not a thing we can risk lying about, because
they [aliens] may very well know themselves. To them, a star is a
living entity. It's a god, but more than our gods, because they can
see a star and feel its heat and never doubt that it's always there."
25. See G. H. Halsberghe, The Cult of Sol Invictus (Leiden, 1972),
26. W in C, p. 301.
27. J. Jacobi, The Psychology of C. G. Jung (London, 1962), pp. 30,
8 and n. 5. See also The Collected Works of Carl G. Jung, vols.
I-XVIII, N. Y., Bollingen-Pantheon, especially ix.
28. Ibid., p. 9 and n. 5 on p. 8; see E. Neumann, The Great Mother
(N. Y., 1955), pp. 7ff.
29. C. G. Jung, "The Structure of the Psyche" in The Structure and
Dynamics of the Psyche (Pantheon Books: N. Y., 1960), p. 152; "There
are some thoughts and opinions which we seem to take by inheritance:
we imbibe them with our mothers' milk; they are in our blood: they
are received insensibly in childhood" - I. Donnelly, op, cit., p. 424.
30. Jacobi, op. cit., p. 10; ". . . . there is an untaught but
universal feeling which makes all mankind regard comets With fear
and trembling, and which unites all races of men in a universal
belief that some day the world will be destroyed by fire" - I.
Donnelly, Ibid., p. 424.
31. W in C, p. 383 and n. 1; Pensee, Vol. 3, no. 3, Fall 1973, pp.
24-27; H. G. Wells, "The Star," Great Science Fiction Stories (Dell
Pub., N. Y., 1971), pp. 108-120 (originally published in 1899); D.
Pendleton, Cataclysm (Bee-Line Books: N. Y., 1969).
32. As cited in W. Durant, The Age of Louis XIV (N. Y., 1963), p.
208 and n. 7 (emphasis added).
33. C. G. Jung, Flying Saucers (N. Y., 1959), pp. 71-73 (emphasis
added); "Jung has explained the UFOs as a projection of a psychic
content (of wholeness) that has at all times been symbolized by the
circle. In other words, this 'visionary rumor,' as can also be seen
in many dreams of our time, is an attempt by the unconscious
collective psyche to heal the split in our apocalyptic age by means
of the symbol of the circle." - see, Wan and His Symbols (Doubleday:
Garden City, 1969), p. 249.
34. Flying Saucers, Ibid., pp. 76-77 (emphasis added).
35. W in C, p. 172.
36. Ibid., p. 173.
37. S. Freud, Moses and Monotheism (Vintage Books: N. Y., 1967), p.
167; also see S. Freud, Totem and Taboo (1913); W in C, p. 298.
38. Freud, Moses, Ibid., p. 170.
39. See the articles "Repression" and "The Unconscious" in The Major
Works of Sigmund Freud (Chicago, 1952), pp. 422-443.
40. W. Mullen, "A Reading of the Pyramid Texts," Pensee, Vol. 3, no.
1, Winter 1973, p. 11.
41. "Thoughts on War and Death," Major Works, op. cit., p. 763; but
see I. Velikovsky, W in C, p. 302.
42. As cited in L. Stecchini, The Velikovsky Affair, op. cit., p.
121; N. Boulanger, L'Antiquit,' devoilee par ses usages, on examen
critique des principals opinions, ceremonies et institu. tions
religieuses et politiques des differons peoples de la terre
(Amsterdam, 1766), III, p. 316.
43. W. Mullen, loc. cit.
44. See, for example, E. 0. James, The Ancient Gods (N. Y., 1960),
45. R. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods (Chicago, 1948), p. 216.
46. H. Frankfort, et. al., Before Philosophy (Penguin Books:
Baltimore, 1959), pp. 12-13,
47. Ibid., pp. 35, 43-44, 51ff., 70, 140, 196, 215-216, 238, 262.
48. Ibid., p. 70.
49. W in C, p. 264 and n. 1 (emphasis added)
50. Ibid., n. 3 (emphasis added).
51. Ibid., pp. 265 and 267 (emphasis added).
52. Ibid., p. 305; R. A. Lyttleton, The Comets and their Origins
(Cambridge Univ, Press: Cambridge, 1953), pp. 30-38.
53. W in C, p. 306, n. 3 (emphasis added); R. Ash and I. Grant,
Comets (Bounty Books: W. Y., 1973), p. 26; also see A. Hislop, The
Two Babylons (London, 1916), note on p. 57.
54. See A. Moortgat, The Art of Ancient Mesopotamia (N. Y., 1969),
55. See H. Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient
(Baltimore, 1958), p. 13.
56. See A. Harnak, article "Millenium' in Encyclopedia Britannica
(1955); J. Danielou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity (London,
1964), pp. 377ff.
57. H. Focillon, The Year 1000 (Harper Torchbooks: N. Y., 1971), p,
63 (emphasis added); also see E. Mgle, The Gothic Image (Harper
Torchbooks: N. Y., 1958), pp. 355-356; E. Duckett, Death and Life in
the Tenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1968), especially pp. 195-218.
58. Focillon, Ibid., pp. 50, 53-54, 59-63, 68.
59. Ibid., pp. 41-42, 46; and see W in C, "Synodos," pp. 269-273-
Danielou, op. cit., pp. 401-402.
60. R. Glaber, Les ciriq livres de ses histoires (900-1044), ed. )
A. Prou (Paris, 1866).
61. Focillon, p. 66; Glaber, Book III, ch. 3; E. Pognon, L'an. mille
(Paris, 1947), pp. 87-88; J. Roy, L'an mil. Formation de la legende
de I'an mil; itat de la France de I'an 950 a 1050 (Paris, 1885), pp.
62. Focillon, pp. 66-67.
63. Ibid., pp. 68-69.
64. Ibid., pp. 71-72.
65. W in C, p. 303.
66. H. R. Trevor-Roper, The European Witch-Craze of the Sixteenth
and Seventeenth Centuries (Harper Torchbooks: N. Y., 1969), p. 47.
67. Ash and Grant, Comets, op. cit., p. 35. "John Milton, perhaps
with the comet of 1618 in mind referred to their bellicose nature in
Paradise Lost."; also see W in C, p. 383, n. 1.
68. Trevor-Roper, op. cit., p. 50.
69. Ibid., p. 47 and n. 1; also see H. B. Alexander, Latin-American
Mythology (Boston, 1920), pp. 118-120.
70. Trevor-Roper, p. 47 and n. 2.
71. Ibid., p. 190. Might not this also account for the Nazi reaction
to the Jews in their midst during the thirties and forties of the twentieth century?
72. Ibid., p. 122.
73. See W in C, "Jubilee" and "Of 'Pre-existing Ideas' in the Souls
74. D. Dietz, The New Outline of Science (N. Y., 1972), p. 60; P. L.
Brown, Comets, Meteorites & Men (N. Y., 1973), pp. 10-14; Ash and
Grant, op. cit., pp. 32-37 and 40-42.
75. 1. Donnelly, op. cit., p. 430.
76. Brown, op. cit., pp. 17 and 22-37.
77. As cited in Ibid., p. 17; also see W in C, pp. 261-262; I
78. Dietz, op. cit., p. 60.
79. W. Sullivan, "A Hole in the Sky," The New York Times Magazine
(Sunday, July 14, 1974), p. 30.
80. Dietz, op. cit., pp. 97-98.
81. Sullivan, op. cit., p. 30.
82. Brown, op. cit., pp. 152-159.
83. Dietz, op. cit., p. 66.
84. Ibid., pp. 66-67.
85. F. B. Jueneman, "Tales of a Comet," Industrial Research (Oct.
1973), p. 14; Donnelly, op. cit., pp. 413-422.
86. Sullivan, op. cit., p. 11; also see F. B. Jueneman, "Chariot of
the Tunguska fire god?" Industrial Research (Aug. 1973), P. 13.
87. See CHIRON, 4. cit., P. 48; I. Asimov, "Toro: A Defense of Space
Exploration," Intellectual Digest (July 1972), pp. 74-78.
88. Sullivan, op. cit., pp. 24-25; Asimov, Ibid.
89. As cited in H. T. Wilkins, Mysteries of Ancient South America
(Citadel Press: Secaucus, N. J., 1974), P. 33 (emphasis added).
90. See The New York Times, July 4, 1974, Sec. I; Nature, Feb. 15
1974; Sky and Telescope, July 1974.
91. W in C, pp. 220-226.
92. Ibid., p. 226; also see W. Sullivan, We Are Not Alone (Signet
Books: N. Y., 1966), pp. 112-130.
93. See B. Steiger, "Hurtling Horrors from Outer Space," Man's
World, Oct. 1974, Vol. 20, no. 5, p. 52 - "Mankind cannot live in
constant fear of horrors that may hurtle at him from the sky, but
neither can he walk about complacently in a false security that his
science and technology can protect him from the inviolable, albeit
often indiscernible, laws of the universe and their rampaging
off-shoots. No matter how optimistic one may be, perhaps he cannot
help occasionally glancing upward, The rub is that with most of the
hurtling horrors, from black holes to comets, ducking won't help."